By Martin Mevius
After 1945, country patriotism of the communist regimes in japanese Europe was once characterised by way of the common use of nationwide symbols. In communist Hungary the celebration (MKP) broadly celebrated nationwide vacation trips, nationwide heroes, erected nationwide statues, and hired nationwide road names. This 'socialist patriotism' had its starting place within the 'national line' of the Comintern, proven on Soviet directions following the German invasion of the Soviet Union. at the moment Stalin known as the events of the Comintern to oppose the Germans by means of issuing the decision for nationwide liberation. This coverage endured after 1945 while, as an relief within the fight for energy, the MKP offered itself as either the 'heir to the traditions of the countries' and the 'only actual consultant of the curiosity of the Hungarian people'. satirically even if, the Soviet origins of the nationwide line have been additionally one of many major hindrances to its good fortune because the MKP couldn't recommend nationwide calls for if those conflicted with Soviet pursuits. Martin Mevius' pioneering examine unearths that what had all started as a tactical degree in 1941 had develop into the self-image of occasion and nation in 1953 and that the last word loyalty to the Soviet Union labored to the detriment of the nationwide celebration - the MKP by no means rid itself of the label 'agents of Moscow'.
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Additional info for Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs)
On the other hand, local communists were not mindless puppets simply waiting for instructions from above. Even though the Soviet word was ﬁnal, communists took their own initiative, and the ECCI could be responsive. Communists saw themselves as internationalists. All parties bore the legend ‘Section of the Communist International’. The Comintern itself was regarded as the ‘general staff of the world revolution’, and communists did not consider themselves Russian, or even Soviet agents, but the disciplined foot soldiers of the communist revolution.
Socialism in one country’ may have been a heresy, but it was supremely Leninist in the sense that it was a tactical concession to reality. The international dimension was not lost. 50 While initially an unimportant point, it rapidly gained momentum according to E. H. Carr, as it offered doctrinal support for the New Economic Policy as a means of progress towards Socialism in a peasant country, and ﬁtted in well with the ‘stabilisation of capitalism’ that had been perceived to have started after .
Socialism in one country’ was not a rallying cry sufﬁcient to create a sense of loyalty towards the Union as a whole. With the largest part of the population prevented from beneﬁting from korenezatsiya, that policy did not succeed in creating a sense of patriotism either. On the contrary, it could easily have the opposite effect by strengthening local nationalism. Despite supporting national minorities, the Bolsheviks were wary of the nationalities. Stalin feared his own nationalities policy would backﬁre by turning Bolsheviks into nationalists rather than the other way round.
Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs) by Martin Mevius